What counts as literacy work?
By Nancy Jackson
In June 2003, the Canadian government
released a Parliamentary Committee report calling for a first ever "pan-Canadian
accord on adult literacy and numeracy skills development." Such an accord
would commit the federal, provincial and territorial governments to work
together to "significantly increase the proportion of adults with higher-level
literacy skills" (Longfield 2003, p.1). In taking this initiative, Canadian
policy would fall in step with the proclamation of the United Nations Literacy
Decade (2003-2012) and its goal of increasing literacy levels by 50 per
cent (UNESCO 2003). It would also draw the Canadian policy discourse into
alignment, rather belatedly, with other Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) countries where frameworks for
comprehensive national provision have emerged throughout the decade of
the 1990s.
The proposal for a national system across Canada has
been pursued by literacy advocates with a blend of hope and caution. This
is based in the knowledge that literacy campaigns and large scale policy
initiatives elsewhere have come and gone in the past, but the hoped for
targets remain elusive nearly everywhere around the globe. Comprehensive
frameworks of provision have promised not only to raise levels of literacy
functioning, but also a system for doing so that is comprehensive, efficient,
effective and accountable. But mounting evidence suggests that these systems
are fraught with contradictions, and even advocates are having doubts about
their reliability.
Informed literacy watchers seem to write
increasingly about distortions, ruptures, contradictions, tugs-of-war,
tensions, distractions, reversals, and competing values relating to literacy
work. Policy and reporting frameworks (including assessment, performance
monitoring, and quality assurance) are said to mislead, exclude, narrow,
reduce and reorient the needs and intentions of teachers and learners' .
In the face of such dilemmas, many resilient and bureaucratically savvy
literacy practitioners are said to be "gaming the numbers" and "circumventing
the rules" to "survive." Growing numbers of others are reported to be over-burdened,
stressed, disillusioned, burned out, and leaving the field. This chorus
of voices is remarkably similar across national, international and intercontinental
boundaries, fuelling a growing sense that literacy workers are becoming
"enrolled as agents to a project" that is increasingly not their own (Hamilton
2001, p. 191).
There is a growing and varied literature,
in print and online, about these troubles. From my perspective, the most
helpful and hopeful of these accounts connect such thorny reporting problems
to underlying theoretical debates between functional versus social or practice-based
conceptions of "what counts" as literacy itself. In all cases, literacy
practitioners ineluctably determine what counts-or what is made to count-through
the routine daily work of record keeping and reporting to funders. As others
have commented, such reporting work is itself a highly complex form of
literacy practice that remains remarkably under-examined (Darville 2002;
Hamilton 2001; Derrick 2002a, 2002b). I hope the issues raised will be
familiar to a wide range of readers and the analysis suggestive of useful
ways to investigate the policy challenges currently being faced across
national and international boundaries.
This focus on policy frameworks reflects
a growing interest in the adult literacy field in improving our own "policy
literacy." Experienced literacy advocates describe themselves as "well-practiced
in the art of working in the cracks" but less effective at "engag[ing]
with the central processes of policy formation and decision-making (Hamilton
1997, p. 147). Even language theorists point out that the theories of language
that have largely guided the literacy field in past are "not by themselves
adequate to the task of guiding action in the 'messy' policy arena of our
times" (Wickert 2001, p. 86-7; Barton 2001). Policy processes are coming
to be recognized as a specialized form of textual practice and subject
to examination as such. According to Barton, (2001, p. 100) "writing is
not just speech written down...[but]...a distinct form of meaning-making"
that is increasingly the object of theorizing in language studies and elsewhere.
Sociologist Dorothy Smith describes this
phenomenon as "textually mediated social organization" (1990a; 1990b; 1999)
that has become increasingly central to understanding institutional arrangements
over the past century. In her view, texts have a unique capacity not only
to "make meaning" but to actively to organize social action based on those
meaning across a variety of settings by "transposing the actualities of people's lives and experience into the conceptual currency by which they
can be governed" (Smith 1990, p. 14). Darville has taken up this analysis
in the field of literacy (1998; 2000; 2001) pointing out that literacy
reporting frameworks accomplish precisely this work of "organizing and
coordinating" literacy teaching across settings. They do so in part by
"holding the meaning of words constant" and thus creating "a stable object
for discourse, for policy, and institutional action" (Darville 2000, p.
1). This system of coordinating he calls the "literacy regime" (2001) emphasizing
the "complex institutional arrangements by which literacy is worked up...as
an issue for public attention...and regulated as an arena of action" (2000,
p. 1).
But there are tensions between this "stable
object of discourse" and the "messy" world of literacy practice. International
literature associates these dilemmas with the rise of comprehensive policy
regimes using abstracted and standardized categories for reporting and
accountability. I believe that these concerns might be understood and investigated
empirically as textually mediated troubles, and that this perspective on
policy analysis might contribute toward new strategies for engaging with
policy formation.
Excerpt adapted from: Adult Literacy
Policy: Mind the Gap by Nancy Jackson. forthcoming in N. Bascia, A. Cumming,
A. Datnow, K. Leithwood and D. Livingstone (eds.) Klewer Handbook of
Educational Policy, The Netherlands
Sources:
Barton, D. (2001). Directions for literacy
research: Analyzing language and social practices in a textually mediated
world. Language and Education, 15(2-3), 92-104.
Darville, R. (1998). Nowadays I read
myself to sleep: Media narratives in the adult literacy regime. Paper
presented at the Pacific Sociological Association, San
Francisco.
Darville, R. (2002). Policy, accountability
and practice in adult literacy work. Paper presented at the Canadian
Association for Studies in Adult Education, Ontario Institute for Studies
in Education, Toronto.
Derrick, J. (2002a). What could a
socio-cultural approach to literacy, numeracy, and ESOL practice be,
and how does this align to current practice? [Paper one for Economic
and Social Research Council Seminar,18 October]. ESRC Adult Basic Education
Seminar Series. Available at www.education.ed.ac.uk/hce/ABE-seminars/papers/ABE1-JayDerrick.pdf
[2003, July].
Derrick, J. (2002b). A socio-cultural
approach to literacy numeracy and ESOL practice: A practice perspective. [Paper
two for Economic and Social Research Council Seminar, October 18]. ESRC
Adult Basic Education Seminar Series. Available at www.education.ed.ac.uk/hce/ABE-seminars/papers/ABE1-JayDerrick2.pdf
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Hamilton, M.
(1997). Keeping alive alternative visions. In J. P. Hautecoeur (Ed.), Alpha97:
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Hamilton, M.
(2001). Privileged literacies: Policy, institutional process and the life
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15(2-3), 178-196.
Longfield, J. (2003). Raising adult
literacy skills: The need for pan-canadian response. Report of the
Standing Commitee on Human Resources Development and the Status of Persons
with Disabilities. Ottawa:
House of Commons, Canada.
Smith, D. E. (1990a). The conceptual
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Smith, D. E. (1990b). Texts, facts
and femininity: Exploring the relations of ruling. London: Routledge.
Smith, D. E. (1999). Writing the social:
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